08 January, 2021 - Daily Current Affairs Analysis & MCQs - The Daily News Simplified from The Hindu
- (i) SC notice to Rajasthan House Speaker, 6 MLAs + (ii) SC notice to centre on plea to debar legislature Polity & Governance
- (i) Gap in Haryana Panchayati Raj Act + (ii) Marketing support for women SHG - Social Capital Social Issues
- USTR slams India's digital tax, holds off on tariffs Economy
- World Food Price Index Rises Economy
- The Duke's Visit - Khilafat + NCM (Archives) History & Culture
- Question for the Day
UPSC Current Affairs: SC notice to Rajasthan House Speaker, 6 MLAs against Merger + SC notice to Centre on plea to debar legislators | Page 04/09
UPSC Syllabus: Mains – GS Paper II – Polity & Governance
Sub Theme: Tenth Schedule and Anti-Defection in India| UPSC
Context: The Supreme Court has sought responses from the Rajasthan Assembly Speaker and others on two separate petitions against the merger of six BSP MLAs into the ruling Congress party in the State in September, 2019. The Special Leave Petition was filed against the 24th August, 2020, judgment of the Rajasthan High Court which had held that the 18th September, 2019, order of the Speaker of the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly was an administrative order and not an order adjudicating the claim of merger.
Context: The Supreme Court has asked the Centre and the Election Commission of India (EC) to respond to a plea to debar legislators, disqualified under the Tenth Schedule, from contesting by-elections during the rest of the tenure of the House. The petition highlighted that once a member of the House incurs disqualification under the Tenth Schedule, he cannot be permitted to contest again during the term for which he was elected. Article 172 makes a membership of a House co terminus with the term of five years of the House except in circumstances mentioned therein. Article 172 mentions about duration of State Assemblies.
So, we need to understand about Constitutional Provisions regarding Disqualification and cases of Merger.
Article 102(2) - A person shall be disqualified for being a member of either House of Parliament if he is so disqualified under the Tenth Schedule.
Article 103(1) - If any question arises as to whether a member of either House of Parliament has become subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in clause (1) of article 102, the question shall be referred for the decision of the President and his decision shall be final.
Article 103(2) - Before giving any decision on any such question, the President shall obtain the opinion of the Election Commission and shall act according to such opinion.
Article 191(2) - A person shall be disqualified for being a member of the Legislative Assembly or Legislative Council of a State if he is so disqualified under the Tenth Schedule.
Article 192(1) - If any question arises as to whether a member of a House of the Legislature of a State has become subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in clause (1) of article 191, the question shall be referred for the decision of the Governor and his decision shall be final.
Article 192(2) - Before giving any decision on any such question, the Governor shall obtain the opinion of the Election Commission and shall act according to such opinion.
Article 172(1) - Every Legislative Assembly of every State, unless sooner dissolved, shall continue for 1[five years] from the date appointed for its first meeting and no longer and the expiration of the said period of five years shall operate as a dissolution of the Assembly:
Provided that the said period may, while a Proclamation of Emergency is in operation, be extended by Parliament by law for a period not exceeding one year at a time and not extending in any case beyond a period of six months after the Proclamation has ceased to operate.
Tenth Schedule - The Constitution (Fifty-second Amendment) Act, 1985
Para 2 - Disqualification on ground of defection
- an Elected Member of Parliament or a State Legislature, who has been elected as a candidate set up by a political party and
- a Nominated Member of Parliament or a State Legislature who is a member of a political party at the time he takes his seat or who becomes a member of a political party within six months after he takes his seat
would be disqualified on the ground of defection if he voluntarily relinquishes his membership of such political party or votes or abstains from voting in such House contrary to any direction of such party or is expelled from such party.
- An Independent Member of Parliament or a State Legislature shall also be disqualified if he joins any political party after his election.
- A Nominated Member of Parliament or a State Legislature who is not a member of a political party at the time of his nomination and who has not become a member of any political party before the expiry of six months from the date on which he takes his seat shall be disqualified if he joins any political party after the expiry of the said period of six months.
Paragraph 4 - Disqualification on ground of defection not to apply in case of merger
A member of a House shall not be disqualified under paragraph 2(1) where his original political party merges with another political party and he claims that he and any other members of his original political party –
- have become members of such other political party or of a new political party formed by such merger or
- have not accepted the merger and opted to function as a separate group
and from the time of such merger, such other political party or new political party or group, shall be deemed to be the political party to which he belongs for the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 2 and to be his original political party for the purposes of this sub-paragraph.
The merger of the original political party of a member of a House shall be deemed to have taken place only if, not less than two-thirds of the members of the legislature party concerned have agreed to such merger.
Earlier, Tenth Schedule provided for Paragraph 3
- Paragraph 3 - - Disqualification on ground of defection not to apply in case of split - Where a member of a House makes a claim that he and any other members of his legislature party constitute the group representing as faction which has arisen as a result of a split in his original political party and such group consists of not less than one-third of the members of such legislature party –
- (a) he shall not be disqualified under sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 2 on the ground –
- that he has voluntarily given up his membership of his original political party; or
- that he has voted or abstained from voting in such House contrary to any direction issued by such party or by any person or authority authorised by it in that behalf without obtaining the prior permission of such party, person or authority and such voting or abstention has not been condoned by such party, person or authority within fifteen days from the date of such voting or abstention; and
- (b) from the time of such split, such faction shall be deemed to be the political party to which he belongs for the purposes of sub-paragraph (1) of paragraph 2 and to be his original political party for the purposes of this paragraph.
Amendment Proposed through the Constitution (Ninety-First Amendment) Act, 2003
- The Dinesh Goswami Committee on Electoral Reforms, the Law Commission in its 170th Report on "Reform of Electoral Laws" and the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC) - all recommended the deletion of Paragraph 3 under Tenth Schedule regarding exemption from disqualification in case of a split.
- Finally, Constitution 91st Amendment omitted Paragraph 3 and also limited the size of council of minister. The 91st Amendment has added Article 75(1A), 75(1B), 164(1A), 164(1B) and 361B to the Indian Constitution.
- Article 75(1A) – The total number of Ministers, including the Prime Minister, in the Council of Ministers shall not exceed 15 per cent of the total number of members of the House of the People.
- Article 164(1A) - The total number of Ministers, including the Chief Minister, in the Council of Ministers in a State shall not exceed 15 per cent of the total number of members of the Legislative Assembly of that State: Provided that the number of Ministers, including the Chief Minister in a State shall not be less than 12.
Claim of BSP
- BSP has claimed that their political party did not merge with Congress either at the national level or at state level and BSP never received resignation of its six MLAs in Rajasthan Assembly.
- Further, BSP had issued whip to its six MLAs in Rajasthan to vote against the Congress party in any proceedings including case of no-confidence motion. According to BSP, their six MLAs have voted against their party whip and in favour of Indian National Congress.
- So, based on these actions, BSP as a political party has claimed that these 6 MLAs have violated their party whip and hence are liable to be disqualified under the 10th Schedule of the Constitution of India as their political party never merged with the Congress either at the state or national level.
The Supreme Court needs to decide –
Whether joining of 6 MLAs of BSP with Congress party amounted to merger as per Paragraph 4 of Tenth Schedule.
If the said merger did not take place, then are these six MLAs from BSP liable for defection under Paragraph 2(1)(a) of voluntarily giving up their membership of their political party i.e. BSP.
Let us wait for the final verdict of Supreme Court to decide important constitutional matters raised in different petitions pertaining to Anti-Defection under Tenth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.
Impact of Defection Politics on Indian Democracy
- Defection means floor-crossing or switching sides by a member of one political party to another party.
- Defection can impact stability of any government in power at Union and State level. Any government can be toppled over due to defection from members of the ruling party by supporting the opposition party.
- Undermines Electoral Democracy as members who are chosen by people belonging to a particular party tend to shift allegiance for better political prospects. Thus, with help of defectors, any majority government can be converted into minority government which is not supported by people’s mandate.
- Continuous process of defection reflects weakening of Democratic institutions - as the defectors in a way betray the mandate for which they were elected by the people as per democratic norms. It is because of these practices that we can say that defection is truly undemocratic as it negates electoral verdict.
- Immoral to change political ideologies to suit personal or vested interest - Now, talking on moral grounds, it is very much possible that any member of a political party while in government may have crisis of faith and then they may chose to resign as in their personal opinion, their thought process does not align with the ideology of the political party from which they has won election. In such a case, the righteous and moral thing to do is to leave the political party from which a person has been elected, resign from party’s membership and seek fresh election to the House.
Corridors of power attracts unprincipled defections - Principled defections are rare as most defections take place to seek selfish motives so as to glue to the corridors of power as long as possible.
UPSC Current Affairs: Congress leader points out ‘gap’ in Haryana Panchayati Raj Act + Marketing support for women self-help groups | Page 04/09
UPSC Syllabus: Mains – GS Paper II– Polity & Governance
Sub Theme: Representation of Women in Panchayati Raj |Self-Help Groups in India| UPSC
Context: Senior Congress leader from Haryana has asked the Governor of Haryana to annul the provisions in the Haryana Panchayati Raj (Second Amendment) Act, 2020 to declare as arbitrary, irrational, discriminatory and unconstitutional. The Act provides for 50% reservation for women in PRIs.
Reasons provided by the Leader
- Providing reservation restricts or caps the participation of women at 50% in the local bodies.
- The leader highlighted women’s political representation in the Panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) cannot exceed more than 50% at any point of time, which is a clear case of gender-biased attitude against women.
- The amendment means that their right to contest in all the seats which are not reserved has been snatched away from them.
- The amendments violate Article 243D of the Constitution.
- The amendment in question is not reserving 50% seats for women — rather it is allocation of seats which only they can contest and by the said amendment their right to contest in more seats has been curtailed as the other 50% is stated to be reserved for other than women which is totally biased, irrational, unconstitutional.
- The rationale behind the constitutional provision is to empower women and make the local governance institutions more inclusive and participatory. It facilitates more women at the grassroots democracy to participate in public life, but the present Haryana government has diminished the rationale behind the Constitutional provision.
Representation of Women in Panchayati Raj
- Panchayat being “Local government”, is a State subject and part of State list of Seventh Schedule of Constitution of India.
- Clause (3) of Article 243D of the Constitution ensures participation of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions by mandating not less than one- third reservation for women out of total number of seats to be filled by direct election and number of offices of chairpersons of Panchayats.
- According to Ministry of Panchayati Raj, 20 States namely Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Punjab, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Tripura, Uttrakhand and West Bengal have made provisions of 50% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions in their respective State Panchayati Raj Acts.
Further, in terms of clause (4) of Article 243D of the Constitution, the offices of the Chairpersons in the Panchayats at the village or any other level shall be reserved for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and women in such manner as the Legislature of a State may, by law, provide, provided that the number of offices of Chairpersons reserved for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in the Panchayats at each level in any State shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same proportion to the total number of such offices in the Panchayats at each level as the population of the Scheduled Castes in the State or of the Scheduled Tribes in the State bears to the total population of the State, provided further that not less than one-third of the total number of offices of Chairpersons in the Panchayats at each level shall be reserved for women.
Context: As part of the strategy for economic empowerment of women self help groups (SHGs), three departments of the Rajasthan government have come together for branding and competitive marketing of their products through online platforms. Self-help groups are informal groups of people who come together to address their common problems.
- A new web portal will be shortly launched here for helping out the SHGs. A retail counter of the Rajasthan Grameen Ajeevika Vikas Parishad was also set up at the government-run Rajasthali Emporium, popular among tourists for promoting the sale of handicraft items manufactured by women artisans.
- The Rural Development & Panchayati Raj, the Women & Child Development and the Local Self Government Departments have jointly formulated a plan to empower the SHGs with focus on quality, branding and marketing of their products.
- A common web portal for SHGs would incorporate different aspects of value assessment, marketing, innovations, training and online applications.
- The strategies are expected to make a significant value addition to the production by SHGs.
Importance of Social Capital
- The term ‘Social Capital’ was first used by L.J. Hanifan, a State Supervisor for Rural Schools in Virginia in 1916. He used it in the context of the community’s involvement in the successful running of schools. As a concept, it received entry in social science literature in the 1980s.
- Soon it assumed an economic connotation and came to be accepted as a factor of production in the development theory. It refers to those institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the quality and quantity of a society’s interaction.
- It consists of trust, mutual understanding, shared values and behaviour that bind together the members of a community and make cooperative action possible.
- The basic premise is that such interaction enables people to build communities, to commit themselves to each other, and to knit the social fabric.
- A sense of belonging and the concrete experience of social networking (and the relationships of trust and tolerance that evolve) can bring great benefits to people.
Theoretically, Social Capital Organisations are supposed to play four crucial roles in society
The Service Role: It encourages people to cope with a public problem at the primary level. People tend to let non-profit organisations lead the way in responding to critical public needs. The non-profit sector thus functions as a first line of defense, a flexible mechanism through which people concerned about a social or economic problem can begin to respond, without having to convince a majority of their fellow citizens that the problem deserves a more general, government response. Non-profit organisations are also available to sub-groups of the population who desire a range of public goods that exceeds what the government or society is willing to support. Non-profit organisations have a readymade role in planning hospitals, universities, social service agencies and civil organisations.
The Value Guardian Role: The role of the non-profit sector is to function as a “value guardian” in society, as exemplar and as embodiment of a fundamental value emphasizing individual initiative for the public good just as private economic enterprises serve as vehicles for promoting individual initiative for the private good. In the process, non-profit bodies foster pluralism, diversity and freedom. These values go much beyond purposes such as improving health or enhancing school enrolment. They are important as expressions of what has come to be regarded as a central feature of modern society – a sphere of private action through which individuals can take initiative, express their individuality, and exercise freedom of expression and action.
The Advocacy/Social Safety-Valve Role: Non-profit organisations also play a vital role in mobilizing public attention to societal problems and needs. They are the principal vehicle through which communities can give voice to their concerns. In fact, most of the social movements that have animated western society over the past century – the movement for women’s suffrage, protection of civil rights and the initiative to protect environment, all took shape within the non-profit sector. By highlighting social and political concerns, by giving voice to under-represented people and by integrating these perspectives into social and political life, these organisations function as a kind of safety-valve that helps to preserve democracy and maintain a degree of peace in the contemporary polity and society.
The Community Building Role: Finally, non-profit organisations play a vital role in creating and sustaining social cohesiveness through bonds of trust and reciprocity that seem to be pivotal for a democratic society and a market economy to function effectively.
UPSC Current Affairs: USTR slams India’s digital tax, holds off on tariffs | Page 14
UPSC Syllabus: Mains – GS Paper III– Indian Economy
Sub Theme: Concerns over Digital Taxation | Equalisation Levy | UPSC
A number of countries across the world such as Austria, Brazil, the Czech Republic, the EU, France, India etc. have imposed digital tax on the Internet-based non-resident companies such as Amazon, Google, Facebook etc. In this regard, the US government believes that such taxes are basically targeted towards American Companies and hence it has recently started investigations into imposition of such digital taxes.
Apart from that, a number of concerns have also been raised against the imposition of the Digital Tax in India. In this regard, let us focus on the following dimensions:
Need for Imposition of Digital Taxes
Digital Tax in India- Equalization Levy
Expansion in the ambit of Equalization Levy through Finance Act, 2020
Concerns raised with respect to recent changes
Rationale behind introduction of Digital Taxes
The existing tax norms have been framed keeping in mind the brick-and-mortar business models. However, these norms are not suitable to regulate online services.
With rapid advancements in the field of big data and AI, the digital companies have been able to harness the user generated data enabling them to earn huge revenues through digital advertisements. In spite of the fact that these companies earn revenue by harnessing the data generated in a particular country, these companies are not obliged to pay adequate taxes in source country. Hence, Equalization Levy has been introduced in the Union Budget 2016 in order to bring such Internet based companies within the ambit of tax.
Details about Equalization Levy
The equalization levy of 6% is applicable to the income accruing to a foreign E-commerce company which is not a resident of India. Any person or entity in India which makes a payment exceeding Rs 1 lakh in a financial year to a non-resident technology company (such as Google) for some B2B (Business to Business) transactions needs to withhold 6% of the gross amount to be paid as
The two conditions to be met to be liable to equalization levy:
- The payment should be made to a non-resident service provider;
- The annual payment made to the service provider should exceed Rs. 1 lakh in one financial year.
For example: Let's say an Indian Company XYZ has availed the online advertisement services of Google for its business promotion and has made a payment of Rs. 2 lakhs to Google towards these online advertisement services. Here, the company would be required to deduct Rs 12,000 as equalisation levy and pay the remaining amount of Rs 1.88 lakhs to Google.
Expansion of Equalisation Levy in Union Budget 2020
The Finance Act, 2020 has inserted a provision to impose Equalisation levy of 2% on the revenues generated through the online sale of goods and services by non-resident e-commerce companies. The Equalisation levy would be applicable only if the aggregate revenues for a non-resident e-commerce companies exceed a threshold of Rs 2 crores.
The new modification introduced in the Finance Act, 2020 has been opposed by the Foreign e-commerce companies on account of following reasons:
Wider Application of Taxation Regime: Earlier, the Equalisation levy was applicable only on the advertising revenue of non-resident companies. Now, this would be applicable on the all the revenue earned through the online sale of goods and services by non-resident e-commerce companies.
The scope of the application of Equalisation levy is so wide that it will bring almost all the foreign based technological companies under the tax bracket. This includes e-commerce companies such as Amazon; online streaming/ content service providers such as Netflix, Amazon Prime; online travel aggregators such as Trivago, TripAdvisor etc.
Higher Tax Burden: Earlier equalization levy was applicable only on B2B transactions. But now, the new equalization levy would be applicable on every transaction undertaken by non-resident e-commerce companies which includes both B2B as well as B2C transactions.
Lack of Distinction between Digital services and Goods/Services provided through Digital Mode: If you watch a movie online on a digital platform such as Amazon Prime, Netflix etc, then it can be considered as Digital service. On the other hand, if you book a movie ticket online through a platform (such as Book My Show) and then watch it in a multiplex, then it cannot be considered as completely Digital Service. Here, the booking platform is providing you with the service of booking a movie ticket through the Digital mode. It is not providing movie as a Digital service.
Hence, such booking platforms are quite distinct from streaming services such as Amazon Prime, Netflix etc.
Accordingly, some of the companies have pointed out that it would be unfair to tax the companies that provide Goods/services through Digital mode on par with companies that provide Digital Services. Hence, even though, the Government’s idea is to tax e-commerce transactions, but it may end up taxing even those transactions where Internet is just a medium.
UPSC Current Affairs:World food price index rises for seventh straight month in Dec | Page 14
UPSC Syllabus: Prelims: Indian Economy
Sub Theme: World food price index | UPSC
About Food Prize Index (FPI)
The FAO Food Price Index (FFPI) is a measure of the monthly change in international prices of a basket of food commodities. Hence, in a way, it could be considered to be similar to Consumer Price Index (CPI) or Wholesale Price Index (WPI) which are used for the measurement of Inflation within Indian Economy. However, FFPI tracks the international prices of the most commonly traded food commodities.
Commodity Groups Covered: 5 commodity groups which include Meat, Dairy, Cereals, Vegetable oil and Sugar. These commodities represent about 40 percent of gross agricultural food commodity trade. They are chosen for their high and strategic importance in global food security and trade.
Weightage Assigned: Each of the Commodity groups is assigned a weightage in proportion to its share in the global trade in agricultural commodities.
Base Year: A three-year period is chosen to minimize the impact of variation in both internationally traded prices and quantities. Earlier, the Base year was 2002-04, but now it has been changed to 2014-16. The base period 2014–16 was chosen as the new base as it was considered the most representative period for most markets in the past ten years.
The FAO Food Price Index (FFPI) is a measure of the monthly change in international prices of a basket of food commodities. It consists of the average of five commodity group price indices weighted by the average export shares of each of the groups over 2014-2016.
The FAO Food Price Index (FFPI) averaged 107.5 points in December 2020, up 2.3 points (2.2 percent) from November, marking the seventh month of consecutive increase.
For 2020 as a whole, the FFPI averaged a three-year high of 97.9 points, 2.9 points (3.1 %) higher than in 2019, but still well below its peak of 131.9 points registered in 2011.
The FAO Cereal Price Index averaged 115.7 points in December, up 1.3 points (1.1 %) from November, marking the sixth consecutive monthly rise.
The FAO Dairy Price Index averaged 108.8 points in December, up 3.4 points (3.2 percent) from November and representing the seventh continuous monthly rise.
The FAO Meat Price Index* averaged 94.3 points in December, up 1.6 points (1.7 percent) month-on-month, but still 12.3 points (11.6 percent) below its year-earlier value.
The FAO Sugar price index averaged 87.0 points in December, retreating slightly (0.5 points) from the marked increase recorded in November.
Related Information- Baltic Dry Index
What is Baltic Dry Index? The Baltic Dry Index (BDI) is an economic indicator issued daily by the London- based Baltic Exchange. The index provides an assessment of the price of moving the major raw materials by sea. The Baltic Dry Index takes into account the freight rates for bulk commodities such as coal, iron ore and grain.
Importance of Baltic Dry Index: Changes in the Baltic Dry Index can provide investors with important clues related to global supply and demand trends. It is often considered a leading indicator of
future economic growth. If the Index increases, it means that the freight rates have increased which indicate higher demand for raw materials such as Coal, Iron-ore etc. Hence, an increase in
the index value would point to increased economic activity and hence higher economic growth.
Similarly, if the index decreased, it would point to decreased economic activity and hence lower economic growth in future.
Other Indices for tracking Freight rates: The Baltic Dirty Tanker Index tracks freight rates for crude oil and the Baltic Clean Tanker Index tracks freight rates for petroleum products.
UPSC Current Affairs:The Duke’s visit | Page 07
UPSC Syllabus: Prelims: Modern Indian History
Sub Theme: Khilafat and Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM) | UPSC
KHILAFAT AND NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT (NCM)
- NCM was first mass based, non-violent, and all India movement launched under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.
- The Sultan of Turkey was considered by many Muslims in India as their Khalifa or spiritual head. Turkey had fought war against British during 1st World War.
- Britain against the promises made during war dismembered Turkey by taking away throne by the Treaty of Serves signed with Turkey in 1920.
- Khilafat movement aimed at giving Khalifa control over Muslim holy places and leaving with him sufficient territories to protect those places.
- In 1919, a Khilafat committee was formed by Ali brothers – Mohd. Ali and Shaukat Ali, Maulana Azad, Hakim Ajmal Khan and Hasrat Mohani.
- All India Khilafat Conferences at Delhi in Nov. 1919 decided to withdraw all cooperation from the government of their demands were not met.
- Gandhiji in order to unite Hindus and Muslims against British supported the Khilafat movement and became president of All India Khilafat committee.
- The Khilafat Committee launched a non-cooperation movement on 1 August, 1920.
- Congress met a Special session in September 1920 at Calcutta where it approved Gandhiji plan of non-cooperation until Punjab and Khilafat wrongs were removed and Swaraj was established.
- At the annual Congress session at Nagpur in Dec. 1920 R. Das moved the resolution of non-cooperation (he had opposed it at Calcutta session earlier as he did want Boycott of elections.
- The goal of Congress was changed from attainment of self-government by constitutional and legal means to Swaraj by peaceful and legitimate means.
- Organization of Provincial Congress Committees on linguistic basis to reach to masses in their own language also formation of ward and Mohalla committees was done.
- Tilak had died on August 1, 1920 the day when non-cooperation was launched. So in his memory Tilak Swaraj fund of 1 crore was instituted.
- It was clear that Congress had taken radically different orientation, which was not to the liking of many senior.Jinnah, G.S. Khaparade, Bipin Chandra Pal and Annie Beasant left Congress during this period.
- Subhas Bose resigned from ICS and became principal of National College at Calcutta.
- Gandhiji returned his Kaisar-e-Hind medal.
- In July 1921, All India Khilafat Conference at Karachi passed a resolution that no Muslim should join British Army. Gandhiji put forward same appeal.
- The capitalist like Umar Shabhani of Elphistone mill joined the movement.
- In January, Gandhiji announced that Bardoli Taluka would be the place for starting civil disobedience the next higher stage of non-cooperation.
- But after burning of 22 policemen at Chauri Chaura (U.P) by the people on 5th Feb 1921 led to withdrawal of movement by Gandhiji.
- Congress Working Committee met at Bardoli on 12 Feb and passed the famous Bardoli resolution stopping all activities which would lead to breaking of laws.
- Importance of Non-cooperation was great Muslim participation, which was never repeated again on such a large scale.